The July 31 verdict against Khunying Pojaman Shinawatra is not simply about the tax evasion case but has far-reaching implications on the political scene.

The dreadful facial expression of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra is the telltale for a defining moment in his life after looking on his wife being found guilty of the conspiracy to dodge tax liabilities.

Known for his family devotion, Thaksin will definitely do everything in his power to ensure that his wife Pojaman is never to spend a day serving her three-year jail term.

This does not mean he is trying to tamper with the judiciary. He is, however, about to exercise his last option to cut loose the legal wrangling by relocating his family to England.

Like many world leaders unwanted in their countries, Thaksin can live a peaceful live in London. It is not imperative for him to apply for asylum. He is expected to keep busy by running his Manchester City Football Club.

Under the Thai law, Thaksin and Pojaman may remain fugitives for the rest of their lives but this is a reasonal price to pay in exchange for a fresh start. The alternative is imprisonment with a glimmer of hope for a royal pardon.

When Thaksin ended his self-imposed exile in February, he might have harboured a secret hope that the election victory of the People Power Party could translate into his triumphant return.

He found himself in the legal wrangling because of politics. It was reasonable to expect politics to rescue him out of trouble. Unfortunately things failed to go according to plans.

The PPP plunged into the political quagmire and barely kept itself afloat. Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej proved to be a hard-headed proxy. And the judiciary turned out to be an impregnable fortress.

The excitement of the PPP’s election victory quickly faded. The government was preoccupied with its problems, hence it was not in a position to get Thaksin out of his legal entanglements.

Although every court battle involving Thaksin and his wife has the political overtone, the judicial review is based strictly on pertinent factual and legal issues.

The tax evasion case involving Pojaman is a clear proof that the judiciary could not be swayed by the sentiment.

From start to finish, evidence shown during trial indicated a clear-cut case for conviction. And the Criminal Court found no cause to grant leniency in sentencing.

The defence can hope to overturn the conviction by the appellate review though odds are stacked against it.

The next court battle is about the Ratchadapisek land case involving Thaksin and Pojaman. The graft trial in the Supreme Court is expected to complete in August or early September if factoring in delays.

Prosecution evidence is strong and a conviction is looming within a few months following trial. Since the case is on the fast-track for graft charges, the judicial review is one tier and Thaksin will have no chance to appeal.

If Thaksin is to relocate his family, he must do so soon, preferably before the ending of trial on the land case in order to get the permission to travel abroad.

Preparations might already be underway for the relocation. Thaksin is disengaging himself from the PPP.

If the latest Cabinet reshuffle is any indication, Samak has gained a firmer grip on the PPP while Thaksin is fading out. A few months ago, no one would have believed that Samak could win the loyalty of more than 30 MPs from the Northeast.

Although the Isaan Pattana faction has dissolved itself, its MPs still retain a loose alliance with Samak out of gratitude that he allocated a Cabinet seat as reward.

Of course, Thaksin still wields formidable influence over the PPP. He appears to delegate more and more decisions to be made among the four powerful factions.

The PPP is on track to be running by a collective leadership.

The factions are led by Newin Chidchob for MPs from lower Northeast, Sudarat Keyuraphan for Bangkok MPs, Sompong Amornwiwat and Yongyuth Tiyapairat for MPs from the North and Surapong Suebwonglee for PPP ranks from the socalled October generation.

Surapong and Newin are close allies though they run separate factions. Samak commands his 30 MPs as leverage to maintain his leadership.

If Thaksin departs Thailand for good, the four factions will try to preserve the status quo within the PPP to wait for the expiry of the five-year ban, which is almost four years away, when the leaders can resume political activities.

For Samak, his job is to make his leadership last as long as possible. This is his last hurrah before going back into retirement.

For Thais, the political melodrama involving Thaksin will forever remain a cliffhanger – turmoil wreaking havoc but villians never identified and punished.