• Yoon
  • ranking : Nation Staff
  • email : yoon@nationgroup.com
  • created : 2007-06-13
  • entry : 606
  • visitors : 292082
  • votes : 359
  • send msg :
Thai Talk
Analysis and comments on political and current affairs
Permalink : http://blog.nationmultimedia.com/ThaiTalk
Thursday , September 3 , 2009
House dissolution: Abhisit is making haste slowly
Posted by Yoon , Reader : 1261 , 05:12:22  
Print


EVERY TIME the issue has come up over the past few weeks, Premier Abhisit Vejjajiva has made it a point to stress that dissolving the House to call a new election isn't necessarily a bad or strange thing in a parliamentary system.

Is that an indication that a new poll is just around the corner?

No. In fact, judging from all relevant clues, you can forget about an election until the end of the year.

Take note of the exchange between the premier and Withya Buranasiri in the House on Monday:

Withya: "The premier told me he was considering dissolving the House to call a new election. But we have yet to rewrite the constitution to make for a fairer set of rules and regulations."

PM: "I don't know where you got that from. I never said that to you or anybody else. In fact, it's your party [the opposition] that has been calling for a new election. I am confused now as to what the opposition really wants. Now you say the current constitution is bad. And you want to have it amended. Now you want an election first. I am not sure what it is that you want exactly."

On the same day, the premier spoke to a "Political Development" class in a speech organised by the National Election Commission. Again, the same issue came up - and he wasted no time in expounding where he stands on the controversy.

Abhisit speaks to a "Political Development" class in a speech organised by the National Election Commission.

He cited three pre-conditions for his decision to take that big plunge:

1. First, let the government's package to improve the country's economy show some positive results. When will that be? Abhisit said the period between December this year and February next year should provide the first concrete signs that his set of economic measures will have some positive effects.

2. Are all the parties concerned happy with the current ground rules governing the next election? And if the new poll was to be held under the current constitution, would it stir up more conflict?

3. If the election were to be held now, would all parties be able to campaign in all parts of the country without incident?

He then concluded with a very revealing statement: "If we can't first resolve these questions, then there won't be any benefit from dissolving the House to hold a new election."

No matter how you look at it, it's clear that Premier Abhisit isn't in a hurry to go on the campaign trail so soon after he took office. After all, the 2010 budget has just been approved in the House and, with the authority to spend and gain votes, no government in its right mind would want to deprive itself of the opportunity to gain an upper hand over all its political rivals.

But is the opposition Pheu Thai Party really ready for a showdown on the campaign trail? The signals from Pheu Thai's big boss Thaksin Shinawatra have been confusing.

On the one hand, he wants an early election because he is confident his party can win a majority hands down. But then, Thaksin has been wavering because he now realises that even if Pheu Thai wins big, that doesn't mean the new government could push through a clemency law to allow him back home as a free man. And that could complicate things further.

The recent open split within the ranks of the red shirts, most notably between Jakrapob Penkair's "Daeng Siam" faction and the Veera-Chatuporn-Nattawut "Red Trio" has put him in a dilemma. And if the constitution isn't amended to suit him, the future political path will be strewn with all sorts of landmines.

That's why Abhisit seems confident he can wait it out and meanwhile continue to build up his own political base until the time that it is to his advantage to call a snap election.

But then, that doesn't mean Abhisit is in full control of the situation either. Any number of potentially disastrous political time bombs could explode in his face, forcing him to "go back to the people" to seek a new mandate.

That explains why he keeps saying that a House dissolution isn't an abnormal thing.

He was probably going to add: "But I have my own reasons for doing normal things at the time of my choosing."


Read comment

comment 10
bzzzzzBee date : 06/09/2009 time : 00.30
http://blog.nationmultimedia.com/beehive

i have speculated my worst of worst case scenarion and praying hard that i am wrong. there will always be light at the end of the tunnel ... i know it somehow ... but at what price?
comment 9
Plaadip date : 03/09/2009 time : 18.03

"It's better for Thaksin to have PT Party get a big win than let Dems to continue to rule. " . A correcton. Sorry.

And what is the time bombs might explode in front of the PM's face? I think that one of them is the verdict of Newin's corruption case. Which verdict will be better for Abhisit? Acquital or jail sentence, or suspended sentence?
comment 8
Plaadip date : 03/09/2009 time : 17.57

......even if Pheu Thai wins big, that doesn't mean the new government could push through a clemency law to allow him back home as a free man.......

What does he mean? It's clear for Thaksin to have PT Party get big win than let Dems to continue to rule. Why should he be confused? Does Yoon mean that Thaksin is considering withdrowal or thinking of a bigger gamble to make his immidiate return possible?
comment 7
Ian date : 03/09/2009 time : 17.00
http://blog.nationmultimedia.com/anterian36

I think Kant is right, This is a game in which there will be no winners, just losers. The biggest losers being the ordinary Thai public.
comment 6
wch date : 03/09/2009 time : 14.47

*** Although political environment is different each other, I believe this EDITORIAL can be a reference to Thai media and Prime Minister because what people want is same.

http://www.asahi.com/english/Herald-asahi/TKY200909030054.html

EDITORIAL: Message to Hatoyama
----------------------------------------------
2009/9/3

Yukio Hatoyama, president of the Democratic Party of Japan, must be feeling like the captain of a ship that is about to encounter tempestuous waters with an awesome cargo.

Hatoyama is to be named prime minister at a special session of the Diet on Sept. 16. He has only until then to fine-tune his DPJ-led administration to give it a firm grip on the reins of government. With no model to go by, he has only a blank canvas to work with.

Strike while the iron is hot, as the old adage goes.
----------------------------------------------------------

In an opinion poll conducted by The Asahi Shimbun immediately after Sunday's Lower House election, about 70 percent of respondents said they were "glad" of the change of government and pinned their hopes on the new DPJ administration. The figure indicates the former main opposition party's call for change--to end decades of Liberal Democratic Party politics and let the people, rather than bureaucrats, call the shots in policymaking--resonated widely with voters.


National Strategy Bureau is key.
------------------------------------


How should the DPJ respond to the people's expectations? Most importantly, the party must exercise firm authority over every aspect of government and create a system that will put the right people in the right places to boldly prioritize the party's policies.

The DPJ aims to integrate the decision-making processes for the Cabinet and the ruling party. And in a departure from the traditional wholesale dumping of work on bureaucrats, the party in power will be responsible for policymaking. In essence, the DPJ aims to radically transform the system of running the government into one that focuses on serving the interests of the nation and its citizens.

The DPJ plans to appoint about 100 party legislators to government ministries and agencies. They will work with the relevant Cabinet ministers in policymaking, rather than just go along with decisions and proposals made by government officials. In short, the people's elected representatives will make decisions first and then tell bureaucrats what to do.

The National Strategy Bureau that will be created to answer directly to the prime minister will hold the key to the successful functioning of this system under which the administration takes the initiative and reduces dependence on the bureaucracy.

By overturning the traditional "bottom-up" budget compilation procedure, directed mainly by Finance Ministry bureaucrats, the new bureau will take a top-down approach, deciding priority policies first. The bureau will also work out a grand design for the nation, including foreign policy.

This bureau is pivotal to the new administration's decision-making setup with the prime minister at the top of the pyramid.

This is probably what is needed today. However, throughout the long years of LDP rule, fiscal decisions were made collectively by the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy, whose members included high-profile economists and academics, and the nation's entrenched, mammoth bureaucracy. But with the DPJ now set to undertake the task under an entirely new system, the transition will amount to nothing short of major surgery.


New political-bureaucratic collaboration.
---------------------------------------------


This makes the selection of the Cabinet minister in charge of the new National Strategy Bureau all the more critical and tricky. The individual would have to be not only policy savvy, but also be a tough politician capable of overcoming resistance from within and outside the party. And members of the bureau should not be limited to lawmakers alone. The DPJ ought to actively enlist qualified people from the private sector and ensure the bureau is staffed by competent and highly motivated individuals.

The proposed Administrative Reform Council is to work at eliminating administrative waste and corruption--a major crusade promised by the DPJ. The Cabinet minister in charge of this council will be responsible not only for cutting wasteful spending to secure the funds needed to finance policies, but also for removing voters' long-held mistrust in politics by bringing transparency to politics and administrative matters.

The council will have to produce immediate results if the public is to see any tangible change from the LDP years.

The finance minister deals directly with the nation's fiscal policy. The foreign minister directs diplomatic negotiations while coordinating the opinions of his party and the ruling coalition. The chief Cabinet secretary is the administration's linchpin. Any bad decision in the selection of people for these key Cabinet posts will immediately bring the new administration to a grinding halt.

Since the Cabinet members are the main pillars to support the administration's foundations, it should adopt a long-range strategy for selection of members so as to avoid mid-term replacements.

It is also crucial that a lively, cooperative relationship be established between the administration and the bureaucracy.

While it is obvious that the people's elected representatives should lead politics, their numbers are limited, and they cannot be expected to be responsible for everything.

Bureaucrats with a wealth of knowledge and experience are professionals in planning and implementing policies. Without drawing upon their expertise and relying on their support, the administration will have little chance of being able to run the nation efficiently.

We also have requests to make of our government officials. They are rightfully proud of having supported the nation's postwar prosperity and looked out for the national interest. We want them to live up to their pride in the service of the new administration. They should advise the new political leaders on how to run the government fairly and efficiently, and stop them if they start grandstanding. Why not prove their mettle by giving the bureaucracy a "new face"?


Party unity is everything.
----------------------------


We also have something we want the DPJ's 140-plus rookie legislators to think about. That is, what do the people who elected them and orchestrated this change of government expect of the DPJ?

Many ruling party legislators will not be placed in government ministries and agencies, but we expect them to speak out as responsible politicians and actively involve themselves in the policymaking process to reflect the will of the people.

At the same time, every DPJ legislator must fully recognize his or her responsibility to honor any decision made by the ruling party. They must strictly avoid any inappropriate word or action that will unnecessarily fragment the party's power, which is given by the people.

Perhaps the person who understands this best is Ichiro Ozawa, the party's acting president who effectively directed the Lower House election campaign.

Ozawa personally engineered the birth of the Morihiro Hosokawa administration 16 years ago, but it did not last even a year. One major reason for its collapse lay in the fact that it was a cobbled-together alliance of as many as seven parties and a group that could not stay united.

With a court hearing coming up for Ozawa's aide who was arrested for his alleged role in the illegal donations from Nishimatsu Construction Co., Ozawa is expected to decline a Cabinet posting for now and continue as the party's campaign guru.

But whether Ozawa will remain acting president or accept the post of secretary-general, we hope he will make full use of his power and experience in consolidating leadership of Hatoyama as prime minister.

It will be no easy task to keep a mammoth ruling party together. But if the DPJ proves incapable of it, the party will have betrayed the people who chose to entrust their nation to a new administration in the face of formidable challenges.

--The Asahi Shimbun, Sept. 2(IHT/Asahi: September 3,2009)

remark : Japan's bureaucratic system is TECHNOCRACY who powerfully stands against the politicians.
comment 5
wch date : 03/09/2009 time : 11.40

Therefore, he will try to make people understood of the 'external environmental maturedness' of GE in open method. He will use pollsters and try to integrate broad social opinion makers.

In other hand, the reorganization and consolidation of internal party will be expedited in parallel.
Admitting fresh retirees from bearoucracy should be offered, including the military, police, and permanent officials.
comment 4
wch date : 03/09/2009 time : 11.31

let me call the classified document as White Paper (wp).

wp might include analysis how to loosen up Peauthai, as much extent in par with Phumjai Thai.
Both must contend in bloody mode in election district.
And, how to propose third choice, the democrat in those bloody district.
comment 3
wch date : 03/09/2009 time : 09.37

The Democrat's Strategic Issues encountering the general election must be documented already but he won't be able to release to the public. He must be enough inspired of Japan's phenomena as well.
The TIME of dissolution must be included in the confidential document.

The TIME that put the document in the party congregation will be just after dissolution of the house.
He will try to acquire the transparancy of the party election strategy by doing this method.
The party need admitting new generation of party members who will dare to contend in hostile election districts.
comment 2
stalingrad date : 03/09/2009 time : 08.49
http://blog.nationmultimedia.com/stalingrad

I agree with most of your analysis. Looking at it objectively, there are yet no grounds for a House dissolution; there is no deadlock yet between the government and the Opposition, there is not yet a situation where the government cannot function, plus other reasons. You can’t say the government can’t function because it cannot visit the people anywhere, because if you look at it closely everybody knows the obstructions are organized by the red shirts and involve not many people.

The government benefits enormously from clinging to power to oversee the huge stimulus programme. It must do so with the highest transparency and make sure virtually all the money reaches the intended target. If this is achieved, it will guarantee Democrat political supremacy for a long time and it could thus be the swan song of the Pua Thai Party. Who in the politically attentive public would want to rock the boat if public money is flowing efficiently?

I think the “unholy trinity”, the Pua Thai , red shirts, and Thaksin do want a House dissolution and election soon because they can use their formidable canvassing network and propaganda capability to swing the votes their way. Besides, risking an election very soon is better than having an election later, when the economy revives, and they run a higher risk of their supporters defecting to the Democrats. Also, winning state power means they can manipulate the justice system to help Thaksin with the pending court cases, and squash the yellow shirts legally. As to laws to give Thaksin clemency, an election will give the Pua Thai an opening to campaign for giving clemency to Thaksin, so if they win they can claim a mandate to push these laws in parliament. They seem confident they will win, but this depends on when the elections are held. The sooner the better for them.

The problem for the trinity is how to engineer a House dissolution, and this is where the red shirts, the cannon fodder, come in. It is their task to create a situation on the streets where Apisit is forced to dissolve the House, and the target date is by October, because the boss is getting impatient. But the timing is flexible really, just not too far off, as then the mob might get bored and go back to attend to work instead of suffering rain, heat and mosquitoes in direct political action. October onwards by the way is traditionally perfect offensive weather, when everything is dry. Military strategists know that.

The Pua Thai task is to dream up some new gimmicks to obstruct the government from functioning but their tactics in the past have been childish and they probably have gratuitously swung many votes to the Democrats who have shown much more maturity. In sum, it all depends on Thaksin, as can be seen in the recent abrupt postponement of the 30 August demonstration 2 days after Thaksin came out against it. Time is not on his side, and his options are narrowing. It also depends greatly on Apisit to make the right moves. And this is why the terrible option has been discussed in closed doors.
comment 1
Its_Kant date : 03/09/2009 time : 07.21
http://blog.nationmultimedia.com/KANTSPAGE
Look@yourself before judging me

sir nobody gives a darn any mo...
give it a rest...lol..just kidding wit ya Mr Yoon.

The whole cicrus is sad even with out all the finger pointing and lynchings from both sides..
Thailand is in my daily prayers....

Im not Thai but think of Thailand as my second country..
Comment

  "If you are not member, please register to comment.
It take only a few steps."


  |  
name :  
email :  
website :  
comment :  
   
   

back top

<< September 2009 >>
s m t w t f s
    1 2 3 4 5
6 7 8 9 10 11 12
13 14 15 16 17 18 19
20 21 22 23 24 25 26
27 28 29 30